Abstract

Bilibili videos about nanniang (男娘, a contemporary Chinese label often used around feminine male presentation) regularly appear alongside terms such as cross-dressing / nü zhuang (女装), Nanliang (南梁), Xiao Nanliang (小南梁), CD, TS, MTF, cosplay, makeup, and body styling. Reading each word only as a definition misses another layer that the platform exposes directly: a creator may put one term in the title, attach several others as tags, use a different phrase for a recurring series, and add still another self-description in the account bio. Comments and danmu then place audience language on top of the creator’s choices.

This platform observatory report samples publicly accessible Bilibili pages from 2024–2026 and records six fields: title, tags, series or collection name, public creator bio, visible comment/danmu context, and search or aggregation entry point. The evidence supports a four-layer discovery grammar. Nanniang frequently acts as a broad thematic, audience, or self-label and can extend into series branding. Nü zhuang more consistently connects to concrete practices such as clothing, makeup, photography, tutorials, and everyday presentation. Nanliang / Xiao Nanliang turns a homophonic joke into a nickname, imagined tutorial audience, recurring character, and community persona. CD, TS, MTF, and transgender-related labels appear especially often in boundary explanations and classification-oriented content.

Page position matters as much as vocabulary. Titles make a viewing promise; tags connect one page to several discovery pathways; series names create continuity; bios connect terms to longer-term public self-presentation; comments and danmu return audience language to the page. These observations support claims about visible content organization and creator practice. The private weights of recommendation systems, the actual candidate set for an individual user, and the causal uplift created by one tag require platform logs or controlled experiments. Public pages still reveal how creators work for visibility, how audiences recycle labels, and how several vocabularies become linked around the same content.

Keywords: Bilibili; nanniang; cross-dressing; Nanliang; CD; TS; danmu; platform visibility; tags; content discovery

1. Research question: why does one video carry several labels at once?

A Bilibili tutorial about feminine presentation may carry several vocabularies simultaneously. A public video from April 2026, for example, frames its progression as “from cross-dressing beginner to nanniang mastery.” The title foregrounds nü zhuang as a practice and nanniang as a destination or thematic identity. The creator’s public bio uses Nanliang, while the recurring series uses phrases equivalent to “nanniang development diary” and Xiao Nanliang. Other public pages place weiniang, nanniang, nü zhuang dalao, CD, TS, MTF, and Nanliang side by side as tags. The result is a deliberately redundant interface: a viewer can arrive through a practice term, a character or community term, an acronym, a meme, or a neighboring content category.

Platform studies offer a useful starting point. Poell, Nieborg, and van Dijck describe platformization as the penetration of infrastructural, market, and governance logics into cultural production. Wang and Lobato show that Chinese video services combine distinctive market arrangements, regulatory contexts, and participatory cultures (Poell, Nieborg & van Dijck 2019; Wang & Lobato 2019). Bilibili adds a particularly visible layer through danmu, time-synchronized comments that can turn watching into a shared textual event. Rui Wang’s study connects danmu directly to community building, while other Bilibili research treats the platform as a site of hybrid language, youth culture, and participatory public discourse (Wang 2022; Chen 2022).

The research question is therefore narrower than “what does nanniang mean?” It asks how different labels are distributed across the visible architecture of a Bilibili page, how creators use co-tagging to connect audiences, how viewers return their own labels through comments and danmu, and what kinds of visibility claims public evidence can sustain. This approach shifts attention from isolated definitions toward the practical organization of content.

2. Materials and method: six fields on every page

The primary corpus consists of publicly accessible Bilibili videos, public search aggregation, and creator-facing metadata from 2024 through 2026. The sample deliberately spans tutorials, vlogs, cosplay, body-management videos, makeup diaries, terminology explainers, and meme-oriented community content. For each item, the observation records six fields: the main label in the title, page tags, series or collection naming, public creator bio, visible audience-language context, and a public search or aggregation pathway.

This layout distinguishes an occurrence from a function. A word in a title is part of the creator’s strongest framing for a single piece of content. The same word in a tag may primarily serve discoverability or categorization. A phrase in a series title creates continuity over several uploads. A phrase in an account bio can become part of a longer-term public persona. Audience language in comments or danmu can affirm, modify, parody, or replace the creator’s original wording. Search aggregation reveals which strings operate as reusable discovery queries at the platform surface.

Academic literature provides a second layer. Bilibili studies show how danmu creates co-viewing, how nonprofessional subtitling and vlogging support hybrid registers, and how user-generated discourse develops within platform governance (Chen 2022; Zhang, Vázquez-Calvo & Cassany 2023; Nakahara & Cai 2025). Cross-platform research provides a comparison for visibility work. DeVito documents how transfeminine TikTok creators develop folk theories about algorithmic visibility, and Shen and colleagues show how ordinary users conduct forms of everyday algorithm auditing from the outputs they encounter (DeVito 2022; Shen et al. 2021). Those studies justify treating creator adaptation to imagined platform behavior as a social fact while keeping claims about internal ranking parameters separate.

Sampling also emphasizes repetition across independent creators and content forms. A single viral upload gives one dated observation. Repeated use across unrelated accounts, tutorials, vlogs, makeup videos, and classification videos provides stronger evidence that a term has become part of a broader platform vocabulary.

3. Layer one: nanniang as theme, series brand, and public self-description

Across the current sample, nanniang has the widest positional range. It can appear directly in a video title, as in nanniang vlogs, outfit guides, makeup diaries, and body-management videos. It can also sit among tags that connect cosplay, beauty, fitness, daily life, and creator identity. A 2024 vlog creator publicly writes “I’m a nanniang” in the bio while tagging the video with nü zhuang, weiniang, everyday life, and nanniang. A 2026 makeup diary combines beauty, makeup, and nanniang tags. Another pair of 2026 body-management videos connects cosplay, fitness, body shape, nanniang, and coser.

That range makes nanniang an effective broad entry term. Someone already interested in nanniang can reach a tutorial, while a viewer searching for makeup, clothing, or body styling can encounter nanniang through adjacent tags and recommendations. The important feature is connection rather than a single taxonomy. Abidin’s work on visibility labour on TikTok emphasizes that creators continuously adjust self-presentation within attention economies. Duguay’s work on LGBTQ visibility across Instagram and Vine similarly shows that platform affordances change how identity and public self-presentation become visible (Abidin 2021; Duguay 2016). The Bilibili sample shows a related pattern: nanniang crosses the boundary between a content theme and a public self-description.

Series naming adds a temporal dimension. A recurring “nanniang development” series tells viewers that one upload belongs to an ongoing project. It converts one click into an expectation of future episodes. When the same series also uses Xiao Nanliang, a broad theme and a community nickname become layered together. Nanniang therefore works both as a discovery term and as a durable framing device.

4. Layer two: nü zhuang connects visibility to concrete practice

Compared with the positional breadth of nanniang, nü zhuang has a more stable relationship to concrete action. Public pages repeatedly pair it with beginner guides, tutorials, makeup, wigs, clothing coordination, posture, photography, and experiences of going out in feminine presentation. Bilibili’s public search aggregation for “nü zhuang tutorials” itself makes the practice term a direct discovery gateway.

This division of labor helps explain why multiple labels persist. A page can use nanniang to address viewers interested in a person or community while using nü zhuang to tell them what the video actually demonstrates. The 2026 body-management series combines nanniang with body styling; a 2025 outfit tutorial connects nanniang directly with clothing skills; a 2024 systematic cross-dressing course also carries weiniang, nanniang, nü zhuang dalao, and Nanliang tags. Practice terms and person/community terms complement each other within the same page.

The HCI literature on video-sharing platforms emphasizes that user-generated video can simultaneously provide information, self-expression, sociability, and entertainment (Bartolome & Niu 2023). Bilibili’s danmu culture intensifies that mix because a skills demonstration can quickly accumulate audience evaluation, jokes, imitation, and advice (Wang 2022). For research purposes, nü zhuang is especially informative at the action level: it points toward clothing, makeup, performance, or everyday presentation. Keeping this action layer distinct from person labels preserves more of the source context.

5. Layer three: Nanliang / Xiao Nanliang turns a label into a nickname and an audience role

Nanliang is conventionally the Chinese name for the Southern Liang dynasty. In current platform culture, it also circulates as a near-homophone of nanniang. A previous GenderLibs case study traced its movement from wordplay into nickname, tutorial audience, series branding, and cross-community language. Re-reading the same evidence through a visibility lens reveals that Nanliang / Xiao Nanliang occupies a particularly strong community-role layer.

An April 2026 creator bio publicly uses Nanliang for self-description, while the creator’s series combines nanniang branding with Xiao Nanliang. Other tutorials address an imagined “little Nanliang” learner or describe a transformation into Xiao Nanliang. These phrases carry more person-like texture than a generic subject tag: they name a possible audience member, a playful persona, or a role someone can inhabit. Jackson, Bailey, and Foucault Welles show how #GirlsLikeUs helped organize trans advocacy and community building, while Barta and Andalibi show that self-presentation and peer feedback can jointly form platform norms around authenticity (Jackson, Bailey & Foucault Welles 2018; Barta & Andalibi 2021).

Nanliang and Xiao Nanliang continue to appear next to nanniang, nü zhuang, and weiniang. The co-occurrence indicates an added community layer rather than a clean replacement. A page can simultaneously communicate “this is a cross-dressing tutorial,” “this participates in nanniang content,” and “Xiao Nanliang is the playful audience persona.” Different discovery pathways then converge on one page.

A fourth group appears especially often in classification-oriented videos and boundary explanations. One 2024 public explainer places CD, TS, MTF, nanniang, weiniang, and nü zhuang dalao together. Several 2025–2026 pages continue to co-tag CD, TS, MTF, Nanliang, and nanniang. A 2026 psychology-and-gender-expression video places nanniang, TS, transgender, and ciduo (雌堕) in one discussion context. These pages are especially useful for observing how creators map neighboring concepts.

Speaker and object remain essential. CD is commonly used in some Chinese online circles as an abbreviation for cross-dressing. TS has accumulated several historical and community-specific meanings. MTF is often used in relation to a transgender direction, while creators may also deploy all of these strings as neighboring discovery tags. Research on moderation shows that transgender users experience platform classification and removal in distinctive ways, and research on transgender health information seeking shows that terminology and entry points affect what information users can find (Haimson et al. 2021; Augustaitis et al. 2021).

At the page level, boundary terms often work together with a broad thematic label. Nanniang can bring a viewer into a content cluster; CD, TS, MTF, and transgender-related terms can signal which neighboring discussions the creator intends to invoke. Recording them as page functions while preserving the creator’s own wording gives later historical work a more precise archive.

7. Titles, tags, series names, bios, and danmu are distinct visibility devices

When the sample is laid out by page position, the pattern becomes clearer. Titles make a strong promise about a single viewing event. A tutorial tells viewers what they can learn; a vlog says whose life or presentation they will see; a meme title creates curiosity and affect. Tags build multiple entry points. One upload can connect nanniang, nü zhuang, cosplay, beauty, Nanliang, and other categories at once.

Series names create continuity. A phrase such as “nanniang development diary” turns isolated uploads into an ongoing project and gives viewers a stable phrase to recognize. Creator bios connect certain labels to a longer-term public persona rather than one video. These positions have different evidentiary value: a tag may be exploratory or strategic, while a repeated bio phrase indicates a more durable self-presentation choice.

Comments and danmu form a fifth, dynamic position. Research on danmu shows that synchronized commentary can produce a shared viewing atmosphere and overlay audience language directly on audiovisual content (Wang 2022; Jing & Xu 2023). A creator may put nü zhuang in the title while viewers use nanniang, Nanliang, or other nicknames in the interaction layer. Creators can then absorb recurrent audience vocabulary into later titles and series names. Platform language becomes partially co-edited.

A public search aggregation adds a sixth position. Searching for a practice such as nü zhuang tutorials produces a browsable result set. The more readily search strings, title words, and tags connect, the easier it becomes for a viewer to move from a concrete task into adjacent community content. This surface is a useful record of how public pages are described and grouped.

8. Recommendation algorithms require a different level of evidence

Visibility studies often discuss recommendation, moderation, and algorithmic ranking. Research on short-video echo chambers shows that personalized recommendation can produce content clustering. DeVito documents how transfeminine creators form experiential theories of algorithmic visibility, and Simpson, Hamann, and Semaan study how users actively try to “tame” their recommendation systems (Gao, Liu & Gao 2023; DeVito 2022; Simpson, Hamann & Semaan 2022). Together, these studies establish that acting toward an imagined algorithm is itself an important social practice.

Public Bilibili pages, however, are evidence from the result and action side. We can observe creators choosing several tags, running recurring series, changing titles, and positioning accounts through public bios. We can observe public search aggregation. The platform’s private weighting, each user’s candidate pool, recall and ranking stages, and the contribution of viewing history belong to another data layer. Causal estimates would require account-level logs, platform experiments, or carefully controlled repeated observations.

This distinction strengthens the observatory. It supports statements such as “these pages co-tag nanniang and nü zhuang,” “creators repeatedly use series branding,” and “public search aggregates tutorial content.” A claim such as “adding nanniang raises recommendation traffic by X percent” belongs to a later experimental design. Everyday algorithm auditing can generate hypotheses and identify patterns, but mechanism claims need additional evidence (Shen et al. 2021).

9. Competing explanations: community language, visibility strategy, and historical inertia

One competing explanation treats dense tagging mainly as a visibility strategy. Creators understand that neighboring tags may expose a page to more potential entry points, so they attach several related strings. This account plausibly explains some tag-heavy pages. Ma and Kou show how YouTubers adjust content packaging in response to advertising and moderation environments, while Abidin’s visibility-labour framework describes active work to secure attention (Ma & Kou 2021; Abidin 2021).

The sample also provides evidence for community functions. Some labels move into bios and series names, positions that serve longer-term account narratives. Audience members recycle labels in interaction. Tutorial titles that address Xiao Nanliang construct an imagined reader role. Visibility strategy and community identity can coexist on the same page: one explains the incentive to cover several entry points, while the other explains why particular phrases persist in a creator’s ongoing public narrative.

A second explanation is historical inertia. Older labels such as weiniang and nü zhuang dalao already possess accumulated search indexing and audience recognition. Newer forms such as nanniang and Nanliang can be layered on top of those established pathways. Platformization and video-platform research both remind us that cultural classifications travel into new technical interfaces rather than restarting from zero (Poell, Nieborg & van Dijck 2019; Bartolome & Niu 2023). Dense co-tagging can therefore be both historical sediment and present-day strategy.

10. Original synthesis: entry terms, practice terms, community terms, and boundary terms

The combined evidence supports a four-layer model.

Entry terms are broad labels that quickly identify a content cluster. Nanniang is the strongest example in this sample because it spans themes, persons, self-description, and series branding.

Practice terms identify what happens in the content. Nü zhuang, makeup, clothing coordination, cosplay, photography, and body management tell viewers what the creator is doing.

Community terms create intimacy, persona, and participation. Nanliang / Xiao Nanliang and similar nicknames make a viewer or creator legible as a playful social role.

Boundary terms connect neighboring concepts and classification debates. CD, TS, MTF, transgender-related language, and other abbreviations often appear where creators explain distinctions or locate a topic within a broader field.

A second axis is page position: title, tag, series, bio, comment/danmu, and search entry. Crossing the vocabulary layer with the position axis creates a record more precise than a glossary. Nanniang in a title may function as a thematic promise; in a bio it can become public self-description; in a tag it can serve discovery. Xiao Nanliang in a tutorial title may construct an audience persona; in a series name it may work as a brand.

This model is also useful for agents that analyze community language. An agent can first identify where a term occurs, then infer its page function from context, and only then explain a concept or cross-language relationship. That sequence preserves polysemy and places platform mechanics inside language research. For GenderLibs, it creates a durable longitudinal method: the movement of a candidate term from comments to tags, from tags to titles, and from titles to series names or bios can itself become evidence that a joke is stabilizing into platform language.

11. Conclusion: platform language is an observable way of organizing content

Bilibili’s nanniang and cross-dressing ecosystem shows a discovery structure built from several vocabularies, several page positions, and several groups of participants. Nanniang supplies a broad thematic and self-presentation entry point. Nü zhuang connects viewers to practice. Nanliang / Xiao Nanliang creates community personas. CD, TS, MTF, and transgender-related labels connect boundary discussions. Titles compress the content into a viewing promise; tags expand discovery pathways; series names create continuity; bios connect language to account-level self-presentation; comments and danmu return audience vocabulary to the page; search aggregates the resulting content.

This structure places language change and platform visibility in one analytical frame. When a term moves into titles, it can carry recognition on its own. When it moves into a series name, it can support recurring content. When it appears in bios, some creators connect it to durable public self-presentation. When it recurs across independent accounts and content forms, it has stronger community-level evidence. Each step can be archived and compared over time.

A later observatory cycle can introduce fixed-account environments, fixed search strings, and repeated sampling to measure changes in search results, related-content surfaces, and page metadata. That design would advance from today’s page-structure analysis toward a stricter platform audit. The present evidence already supports one durable conclusion: on Bilibili, the visibility of nanniang-related language emerges from the interaction of vocabulary, page position, and community practice. Studying the word and the page together reveals more than either one alone.

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